Well, if you assume that the schwas are all there "already", then you don't have to worry about this, as this problem never arises! C merely retains all the schwas, and the fact that removing some schwas would leave perfectly legal clusters doesn't matter, because... it retains all schwas!This maybe leads to my first problem. If C allows simple codas, why does it insert two schwas inside complex onsets? [sət.ri.ka] should be okay for variety C if it allows CVC syllables. Maybe there is a solution, but I really don't see it now.
This seems like a pretty good reason to think that archiphonemically there are underlying schwas.
In fairness, however, having said that, it is possible to get to this outcome even with no underlying schwas - it's just less elegant.
There are five ways of doing this that I can see, although they may have very slightly different predictions, so they're not necessarily all valid in C. But the ways I can see are:
1. "repair" from right to left. /strika/ (illegal) > /st@rika/ (still illegal!) > /s@t@rika/ (legal! yay!). The alternative form /s@trika/ is legal, but inaccessible, because you can never get to if you insist on repairing illegal sequences from right to left in the order you come to them.
2. restructure syllable boundaries. /strika/ > /s@t.ri.ka/, but /tr/ is always placed in the same syllable, so > /s@.trika/, which is illegal again, so > /s@t@rika/.
3. just plain ban certain sequences, regardless of syllable structure. Just because you have coda /t/ and onset /r/ doesn't mea the cluster /tr/ has to be legal!
4. have different coda rules at the end of words. This is common - many language allow final codas but no other codas at all. Perhaps C allows any coda word-finally, but only, say, sonorants as non-final codas (allowing /komp@lek/ but not /s@trika/).
5. distinguish major and minor syllables - after all, you're in that part of the world! You could say that a major syllable can have a coda, while a minor syllable cannot (just as it cannot have any vowel other than schwa).
But I think "the schwas are all there already" is more elegant.
If you assume epenthesis, you have to also assume some pre-existing schwas before epenthesis.Second, the variation described above does not apply to all schwas. Some schwas show up in all three varieties. Note that these words would be well-formed in all three varities, even without the schwa. If we assume that all schwas are underlying and are deleted between two consonants if this would lead to a valid cluster, these forms are not expected. Similarly, if we assume that schwas are only inserted to break up illegal consonant clusters, these forms are unexpected.
A, B, C
ga.mə.lan, ga.mə.lan, ga.mə.lan `gamelan'
u.pə.ti, u.pə.ti, u.pə.ti `tax'
e.kə, e.kə, e.kə `I, me (slang)'
ə.lang, ə.lang, ə.lang `eagle'
If you assume non-epenthesis, you have to assume a merger between two underlying (or diachronic) vowels. One vowel is schwa all along and is reduced in some dialects. The other vowel is not reduced, but subsequently merges with schwa in its realisation.
This further reinforces the non-epenthesis model. Just as in English, schwas would be present when speaking more formally or 'clearly', but elided in more casual spech.Third, and this became much clearer to me after reading the Adisasmito again, the tendencies for schwas to surface are opposite in loanwords and native roots. In native roots, higher register and slow speech tempo condition more schwas
The alternative option - that schwas are spontaneously invented in various positions only when speaking in a high register, or slowly (perhaps because it gives speakers time to plan where to put them to sound most pompous!) - seems far less intuitive and elegant to me.
It's interesting, but it's exactly what you'd expect if schwas are there underlyingly in native words.
, whereas in loanwords it's the other way round. Loandwords have more schwas in lower registers and higher speech tempo. Of course, loanword phonology can be different from native phonology, I think this is still surprising.
Using that model, you have:
- native words have schwas
- schwas are elided in low registers
- loanwords without schwas are introduced
- low-register speakers recognise loanwords as inherently of a higher register and hypercorrect by adding schwas to them (particularly if the loanwords are SO complex that even low-register speakers don't like their clusters)
- high-register speakers recognise this as a hypercorrection and remove schwas from loanwords to return them closer to their original form
Using the opposite model you have:
- native words have no schwas
- loanwords are introduced that also have no schwas
- high-register speakers suddenly decide to introduce schwas only to native words and not loanwords
- low-register speakers rebel by perversely deciding to introduce schwas into loanwords but NOT native words, presumably just to piss off high-register speakers by doing the exact opposite from them for no apparent indepndent reason but just because!
Again, I think the former is more elegant.